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i V 



TO TUB FREEMEN 



OF THE 



Counties of Carter, Sullivan, Washington, Green, and 

Hawkins. 



Fellow Citizens, 

When about to close the official labors which your partiali- 
ty selected me to perform, it imposes on me the pleasing du- 
ty of presenting to you a brief outline of my conduct, which 
will assist in determing how far I shall have succeeded in re- 
alizing the just expectations of my friends and constituents. 
I have not (he presumption to believe that, on the various and 
absorbing topics of national legislation, upon which I have 
been called to act, that I have never erred in judgment, but 
I can with confidence assert that, with simplicity of purpose, 
I have on all occasion endeavored to advance your best in- 
terests, in common with those of our beloved country. 

Since you last honored me with your confidence, we, in 
common, with the friends of our distinguished fellow citize 
Andrew Jackson, in other sections of the country, have had 
the gratification to see that, under all the combinations, whicl' 
had been formed by men and parties (in other respects) th 
most incoherent, that the supremacy of the popular will has 
been asserted in Ms re-election for another presidential term 
commencing with the fourth of March next. His original 
and uniform friends are afforded this additional gratification 
that, in almost every quarter of the country, his most uncom- 
promising enomii's, are now, from the irresistable force of 
truth constrained, (however reluctant) to acknowledge, that 
his devotion to country, virtue and inflexible integrity of pur- 
pose, eminently quality him to meet the present alarming 
crisis in the history of <»ur government. Never could a more 
propitious circumstance have oecui red. His well earned fame 



.BtoZ 



and overwhelming popularity,have infused new life and spirit in* 
to the friends of constitutional liberty, and, in manyinstances 
constrained his enemies to furnish a just commentary upow 
their former opposition. Already, meetings have been called 
in various sections ot the country, **here, but in Novembei 
last, no term of reproach was sufficient, and loud and almost 
universal applause, bestowed on his late proclamation. Lai 
us indulge the fond hope, that they are willing to break off 
the shackle* of party influence, and award to services so sig- 
nally beneficial to his country, the justice to which they are 
entitled. 

It will be seen, by referring to the Message of the Presi- 
dent of the United States, at the commencement of this ses- 
sion, that our relations with foreign governments, generally, 
are of the most amicable character. The claims of our citi- 
zens to indemnity for spoliations, and illegal seizures, so long 
delayed, have been, under this adminstration, in most cases 
satisfactorily arranged with the governments, under whose 
authority they had been made. Thus, whilst our interests, 
collectively and individually, have been guarded with scrupu- 
lous vigilance, and we in a condition to continue in an onward 
career of prosperity and happiness, what are we called up- 
on to witness? Nullification of a law enacted by the consti- 
tutional anthorities of the United States-^-threats of disunion, 
secession and rebellion, calculated to drench this fair heritage 
with blood, and fill it with widows and orphans? Why i9 
this? Is it because, that this government which has been our 
pride and boast at home, and the just admiration of the world, 
has ceased to be republican, and representative, and its laws 
oppressive and unequal. Surely not, to such extent as with 
the rude hand of revolution, to upturn its deep foundations,and 
incur the scourge of intestine war. I, too, am of opinion, 
that the tariff though constitutional, is inexpedient and unjust, 
and have used every effort in my power to obtain an allevia- 
tion of its unnecessary burthens; but whilst I regard it as an 
evil, it dwindles into insignificance when contrasted with the 
inconatitutional and alarming remedy claimed by the advo- 
cates of nullification. 1 look for justice to a virtuous people, 
who boast of equal laws, and must ever regard unnecessary 
taxation as a stain upon our free institutions. It has been mj 
kit to witness as your representative, the sucesssive changes 
which have been made in the tariff, in the years 1824, 1828 
and 1832. The act of 1824 increased the duties generally 
on the protected articles, from thiity-three to forty-five per 
centum upon the value. 

This, though an enormous increase, fell far short of that 
which was contained in the bill, winch passed the representa- 



tivs branch of the Congress of the Union at that session, and 
was in the spirit of compromise and concession, proposed as 
an amendment by the Senate. It was finally accepted by 
ttt^nj members who had voted against the bill as it passed the 
House — -myself amongst the number. To that adjustment, 
though extravagant, little discontent was manifested; the 
country was labouring under a heavy debt growing out of the 
late war with Great Britain; and the discontents of the mi- 
nority were hushed, in the consideration that, however, exor- 
bitant was the tax, it was required to a great extent to dis- 
charge, the burdens of that debt and preserve the National 
credit; hence patriotism demanded the offering, and it wast 
geuerously conceded. To the act of 1828 may be ascribed 
the calamities with which we are now threatened. That act 
increased the duties on what are denominated protected ar- 
ticles then provided for, from forty-five to one hundred and 
twelve per centum on their value. This increase of the rev- 
enue was wholly uncalled for, either, by the wants of the go- 
vernment, or a just and fair protection to the domestic manu- 
factures; but was the result of that political influence which 
necessarily might be expected to grow out of over-heated par- 
ty feelings, of which, it is now unnecessary to say any thing, 
as the scenes of that day are known to you all. At the com- 
mencement of the last session of Congress, the President in 
his annual communication (foreseeing the dangers with which 
our institutions were threatened) urged upon Congress the 
necessity of then reducing the duties on imposts, in this strong 
and forcible language: u The confidence with which the ex- 
tinguishment of the public debt may be anticipated, presents 
an opportunity of carrying into effect more fully the policy in 
relation to import duties, which has been recommended in my 
former messages. A modification of the tariff which shall pro- 
duce a reduction of our revenue to the wants of the govern- 
ment, and an adjustment of the duties on imposts, with a view 
to equal justice, in relation to all our national interests, and 
counteraction of foreign policy, so far as it may be injurious 
to these intf is deemed to be one of the principal objects 

which demand the consideration of Congress. «< It is therefore 
desirable that arrangements be adopted at your present ses- 
sion, to relieve the people from unnecessary taxation, after the 
extinguishment of the public debt. In the exercise of the 
spirit of concession and conciliation which has distinguished 
the friends of our union in all great emergencies, it is believ- 
ed this great object may be effected, without injury to any na- 
tional interest." These recommendations were followed up 
by the Secretary of the Trea- lry in his annual report, and a 
bill was reported by the committee ot manufactures profess- 



4 

edly to meet the views contained in the foregoing recommen- 
dations—and what was the result? After consuming more 
than an ordinary session in an almost interminable debate, the 
reluctant concession was then made of a reduction which left 
an excess ot six millions a year of unnecessary taxes upon the 
consuming portion of the people of this country. For that re- 
duction, inadequate as it was, 1 gave my vote, believing that, 
whatever was accomplished then, would reduce the amount 
in future contest, and m some measure give, to the opponents 
of the system of high dirties, an earnest of the future determi- 
nation of Congress to reduce the revenue to the just medium 
recommended bv the Executive branch of the government. 
As might have been expected, the President true to the prin- 
ciples contained in his preceding messages, again at the open- 
ing of this session, urged upon Congress the necessity of act- 
ing upon this subject in this forcible language: K Long and 
patient reflection have strengthened the opinions I have here- 
tofore expressed to Congress on this subject, and I deem it 
my duty again to urge them upon t!»e attention of the legisla- 
ture. The soundest maxims of public policy, and the princi- 
ples up6n which republican institutions are founded, recom- 
mend a proper adaptation of the revenue to the expenditures, 
and they also require that the expenditures shall be limited 
to what, by economical administration, shall be consistent 
with the simplicity of the government and necessary-town effi- 
cient public service." This recommendation was also followed 
up by the Secretary of the Treasury in his annual report, with 
a full expose of the receipts and expenditures of the govern- 
ment, ordinary and extraordinary, and a recommendation that 
six millions of the revenue which would accrue under the act 
of the last session should be abated, the wants of the govern- 
ment in no wise requiring the same. The committee of ways 
and means reported a bill which was intended to reduce the 
revenue according to the Executive recommendation, but 
which, as you will have seen, has been overwhelmed in a pro- 
tracted debate principally from its opponents. 

What an anomaly do we present in the history of the world 

The President of the United States, fiom time to time, urging 

upon Congress the duty of reducing the exisiting duties — his 

minister of finance, (who certainly ought to know better than 

all others,) recommending that the taxes of the people be 

lightened six millions a year. Almost every one who sustains 

the system of protection, admitting that the tariff must come 

down to the expenditures of the government* yet the repre- 

tatives of the pi iple had refused an alleviation of their 

■ ens', no! because the money is needed, but because, (say 

ot the proper time — and the interest of the 



manufacturers require the country to be taxed. That bill 
has been uniler discussion since the month of December last, 
and every effort made by its friends to secure its passage, or 
that of some other which would tend to give peace and quiet 
to the perturbed feelings and passions of the people of thi9 
country. The prospect of ultimate success became gloomy, 
when, at a very advanced stage of the session, Mr Clay, of 
Kentucky, who had justly been regarded as the father of the 
4t system," presented to the Senate a proposition to adjust this 
most distracting question. A committee of that body digest- 
ed and presented a bill, which, from every indication, it seem- 
ed, would meet the views of a very large majority of that bo- 
dy. Whilst it was under discussion, in the Senate, and all 
hope of agreeing upon a bill in the House of Representatives 
lost, a proposition was made to adopt, as an amendment, 
the principles contained in the Senate's bill, and to my great 
gratification, it was adopted, passed without delay, and sent to 
the Senate, and has become the law of the land. This bill 
received the almost unanimous vote of the Southern Members, 
and so far as they expressed their sentiments on the subject, 
they did not hesitate to say, that the southern country would ac- 
quiesce therein. — Thus, has been adjusted that vexed and dis- 
turbing question, which for years has been an incubus on the 
legislation of Congress, a hobby for political aspirants, and 
the demon of discord in the country. The bill provides for a 
gradual reduction to 20 per cent, as the minimum, and allows 
until the year 1842, to reach that point. With the provisions 
of this biil I am content: because, I believe it will give peace 
and repose to tta country, and again present us a united peo- 
ple. This act, (though far short of the requirements of the 
cH)uth Carolina Convention,) we are assured will be satisfac- 
tory, and acquiesced in by people of that state. 

That unparalleled 6tate of things which had -been produced 
by the ordinance of the Convention of the State of South Caro» 
Jina, gave rise to the call of the President of the United States 
upon Congress, for the passage of a law to enable the execu- 
tive branch of the federal government, to execute the revenue 
laws within the United States. A bill was accordingly report- 
ed by the Judiciary Committee of the Senate, authorizing the 
collection of duties, at places other than the custom houses, 
within the same collection districts, either upon land or water 
— and when necessary to exact prompt payments in cash; as 
also to employ the land and naval forces of the United States 
to counteract forcible resistance, on the part of the State, or 
citizens of a State. This bill was lengthily discussed, and 
violently opposed by most of the Senators from the Southern 
States, but passed that body, and was sent to the House of 
Representatives, and has now become a law. 



This measure was intended by the President, to save, if pas- 
sible, the effbsion of blood, in avoiding all collision with the 
state authorities, and to provide, (in case of actual resistance 
to the execution of the laws,) for the means of their enforce- 
ment according to the Constitution, without which, this boast- 
ed form of government would become a perfect mockery, 
and cease to merit the high eulogies so often bestowed upon 
it. 

The question of the renewal of the charter of the Bank of 
the United States, was presented to Congress at this session, 
by the President and Directors of this institution. This ap- 
plication, it will be recollected, was made on the eve of the 
then approaching Presidential election, and more than three 
years before its then charter would have expired; no doubt for 
the purpose of being used as apolitical engine in that heated 
contest for the Chief-Magistracy, in case the President should 
persevere in his previously expressed opinion of disapproba- 
tion to the renewal of its charter. A majority of both nouses 
of Congress agreed upon a bill, substantially renewing 
the former charter, for the further term of fifteen years, which 
was sent to the President of the United States, who, firm to 
his purpose, determined to hazard his own political prospects 
for the good of his country, and in the exercise of his constitu- 
tional right,put his veto on it,and prevented the law from going 
into effect. I am proud to acknowledge that 1 was in the mi- 
nority of Congress on that question, and recorded my tote 
against it. To say nothing as to the constitutionality of cre- 
ating such corporations, or the time and circumstances under 
which it was brought forward, it did seem to me that there 
were insuperable objections to the policy of such institutions 
in a republican government. It claimed the right of estab- 
lishing its branches within the states against their will. It ex- 
empted the capital, employed in them, from taxation by the 
states: it allowed aliens to acquire and hold lands: it gave to 
foreigners privileges over our own citizens, and to those citi- 
zens who are stockholders, over those who are not stockhold- 
ers. It conferred the power of controling the money concerns 
of the whole people, to those who are not elected by, nor re- 
sponsible to them. It deprived Congress, during th* period 
for which it was chartered, of the right to legislate in refer- 
ence to similar institutions; and was totally exempt from all 
obligation to aid the government, to which it is indebted for 
its creation, with its funds, in cases of emergency. These, 
with many others, are objections which forbade me to give 
such bill my support. But if doubts had before, been enter- 
tained on this great question, I humbly conceive that they 
have been dissipated,by the decision of that august and sove- 



reign tribunal— /A* People. The question has been submitted, 
and they have coolly considered and maturely tried it— and 
the result has been, that they, by a majority almost unparal- 
leled, have sustained the President in his opposition to the 
bil-,1, and passed sentence, as well against the Bank, as the 
majority of Congress who voted for it. To the decision of 
that tribunal, public servants should, at all times, feel them- 
selves bound to submit with deference, and from whose judg- 
ment I humbly conppive thfTf* i« no appeal. 

In accordance with what I knew to be your sentiments, as 
well as those often expressed to you by myself, early in the 
last session, I had referred to the Committee of Internal 
Improvemeut, of which I was a member, and with the almost 
unanimous consent of that committee, was allowed to report 
bills to improve the Coosa and Tennessee rivers, and con- 
nect their waters by rail road or canal, and to lay out and 
construct a road from Portsmouth, in Ohio, to the south side 
of Lyneville mountain, in North Carolina. But you are 
aware, that in the excited state of public feeling, in reference 
to the distracting question of the Tariff, and that of the re- 
chartering of the United States Bank, as connected with the 
then approaching Presidential election, that these great and 
absorbing questions forestalled all legislation on matters o» 
local or less general character. At the present session, the 
same great and exciting cause, instead of >eing mitigated in 
its intensity of interest, has not only absorbed the most of the 
time allotted to this short session, to the exclusion of other 
subjects, but has even threatened to push aside the indis- 
pensable appropriations for carrying on the operations of the 
Government. I take this occasion to say, that I still enter- 
tain the most unshaken opinion as to the constitutionality of 
works of internal improvement, of national character, but 
doubt exceedingly whether it is at all practicable to accom- 
plish, for the interior of the country any important benefits 
under such system. 1 reach this conclusion, from the 
consideration, that since the organization of the Federal Go- 
vernment up to the last year, covering a period of forty years, 
the whole amount of appropriations from the treasury, for 
making roads, sea walls, break-waters, improving rivers, 
harbors, and making surveys, amounts to but the sum of six 
millions four hundred and thirty -eight thousand dollars, to 
distribute which equally over the forty years, would amount 
to but one hundred and sixty thousand dollars, not more than 
the income of two days in the year, supposing the revenue 
of the last year to be equally spread over the 565 days 
of the year. The smallness of" this amount, when divided 
equally amongst the states, together with the heart-burnings 



8 



and discontents from its appropriation, in many portions of 
the union, furnish but slender grounds upon which to calcu- 
late for the future. This is not all — it is now apparent that 
our Chief Magistrate, anxious to restore the harmony and 
union of the people, has "earnestly recommended to Con- 
gress to refrain from its exercise,in doubtful cases, except in 
relation to improvements already begun, unless they shall 
first procure from the states such an amendment to the con- 
stitution as will define its character, and prescribe its 
bounds." li\t urges the necessity of reducing the whole 
subject to some final and certain rules, and remarks, "that 
without some general and well defined principles, ascertain- 
ing these objects, to which the means of the nation may be 
constitutionally applied, it is obvious the exercise of the 
power can never be satisfactory. Besides, the danger to 
which it exposes Congress,of making hasty appropriations to 
works of the character of which they may be frequently igno- 
rant, it promotes a mischievous and corrupting influence, by 
holding out to the public the fallacious hope, that the success 
of a certain candidate will make navigable their neighboring 

I • ~ OCT 

creek or rivers, bring commerce to their doors, and increase 
the value of their property." Under such declarations, in 
connexion with former vetoes, upon bills which had passed 
both branches of Congress, who, that would call himself a 
friend and supporter of this administration, could wish to 
seethe representative elected and sent to sustain the admin- 
istration of their choice, engaged in pushing upon the Presi- 
dent, bills to which, from his previously and often expressed 
opinion, he could not give his sanction — especially when the 
only object to be gained by such, a course, would be to create 
unnecessary opposition, without the remotest prospect of 
benefit. It has been with no small degree of regret, that I 
ave witnessed, on the part of Congress, appropriations for 
works of improvement, which, if justifiable at any time, cer- 
tainly did not present the characteristics of being works of 
primary merit. Of that class I consider the bill for the 
improvement of certain harbours and rivers, which was 
prevented becoming a law, in consequence of the veto of 
the President. The bills which were reported by me, and 
of which I first spoke, it would seem, are not only National 
in their character, but are also of primary importance, and I 
flatter myself, if passed by Congress, would meet with the 
favorable consideration of the President. Of their impor- 
tance. I need say nothing to you, who are in a condition 
practically to ieel it, from the diminished profits of your la- 
bor, in consequence of the avenues to market being closed 
against your products. 



For the first time, since I have had the honor to represent 
you, (consistently with the pecuniary engagements of the go- 
vernment.) was presented to Congress an opportunity of mak- 
ing some general provision for the surviving patriots of our 
revolutionary struggle. This arose from the near approach 
of that happy event which was to remove from our resources 
the burthen of a public debt, and without violating that good 
faith, which ought ever to be held sacred, presented the fit oc- 
casion to appropriate a portion of that revenue to the surviving 
veterans of the revolution. At its last session, each houao of 
Congress, emulous to be foremost in this good work, present- 
ed bills to provide for that meritorious class of our citizens; 
and the bill which originated in the Senate, was, by a majori- 
ty of both houses, completed into a law. Its provisions are now 
so generally known, that I need only say that that liberality 
which was so clearly marked in the passage of the bill, has 
been carried out by the executive branch of the government; 
and thousands are now in the receipt of its benefits. 

To relieve from trouble and expense that portion of my 
fellow-ciiizens who reside in the counties adjacent to Wash- 
ington, I have obtained an office for their semi-annual pay- 
ment in the town of Jonesborough, which will be put into full 
operation within the ensuing month. 

You will have seen that various projects have been presen- 
ted for the distribution of the Public Lands, amongst irhich 
was that contained in the bill reported by Mr Clay to the 
Senate, and passed at a late period of the last session, *nd 
was but a few days before the adjournment submitted to the 
consideration of the House of Representatives. Under the 
belief that this subject was one of vast importance, not only 
to the new states, but to the whole Union, and seeing more- 
over, that if passed, it was not to take effect until after the 
rise of this session of Congress, I voted against that precipi- 
tation which sought, without even time to consider, to dis- 
pose of this great question, involving, on the one hand, the 
rights of the new states, and on the other, the powers of the 
Federal Government. My own opinion on this subject ha* 
been in favor of making a disposition of the Public Lands, on 
such terms as would eventually, at no very dista&t day, en- 
sure to the states, within which they are situate, the sove- 
reignty and control over them. That a graduation or reduc- 
tion of price, from time to time, be made, so as to promote 
that object, and at the same time that a distribution of the 
proceeds or avails be made amongst the several states for in- 
terna! improvements and education, according to their fede- 
ral numbers. You will have seen the President's views, at 
large, on this subject, contained in his annual Message; you 



10 

wfil also have seen the almost unanimous vote of the representa- 
tives of these new states, in opposition to the bill to which I 
have had allusion; and, will infer therefrom, from the extreme 
probability that when peace and harmony shall have been 
restored to the aouth, that, without abundant caution in the 
disposition of the public domain, discontents and heartburn- 
ings roust arise in the west. The duty which (in common 
with others of the American people) you owe to the country 

at large^ Calls Upon yntl maturely in consider this great ques- 
tion, and so to express your will to your representative, 
(whomsoever he be) that amidst the various and conflicting 
opinions which prevail in the country, he may be enabled to 
speak your sentiments on that important subject. The bill 
which was presented at the last session, has again passed the 
Senate, and is before the House for its decision; but whether 
within the three remaining davs of the session, it shall be 
yrged on its passage, I am not prepared to say — -certain I am, 
that every consideration of prudence would forbid the passage 
of a bills© important against the wishes of the representa- 
tives of the new states, and without even allowing them an 
opportunity of being heard. 

Without injury to the hitherto much extended mail accom- 
modations of the country, Congress, at the last session, was 
enabled to extend additional accommodations to those 
who had in a great measure been denied a participation in the 
conveniences and benefits of that important branch of the 
national government. Embraced in that bill were the fol- 
lowing new routes, intersecting the District over which you 
£ave me charge. From Elizabethton, in Carter county, to 
Morganton, North Carolina; from Jonesborough to Ashnille, 
N. C.j from Blountville to Knoxville, via Cheek's X Roads, 
&c 5 from Jonesborough to Newport, and from Abingdon, 
Virginia, on the Reedy Creek road, to Scott Court-house.— 
Theseseveral routes have all been put under contraot and are 
now in operation, and upin most of them have been establish- 
eoNpost offices for the convenience of the citizens residing in 
their respective vicinities. 

If, in the adjustment which has been made of the Tariff, 
the present Congress shall, by the mild means of legislation, 
have hushed the discontents of the South, without inflicting 
a blow upon the North, and averted the sword of intebtine 
war, enough will have been done to gratily the heart ot the 
patriot; and give him assurance that, whatever may be the 
dissensions amongst the members of this American family, 
that the same spirit of concession and compromise, which 
♦■poke into being the Constitution of our endeared country, 
will, when exercised, be fully adequate to sustain and pre* 



11 

serve it to the latest generations. Should, however, our font 
expectations be disappointed, and the assurances given by 
the Votes ind declarations of members from South Carolina 
be disregarded, and hostility be openly manifested against 
this law. £ The law which was pf ssed at the present session 
arms the Chief Magistrate with means, ample in themselves, 
to resist and effectually put down that opposition; but which 
I trust in God, it will not become his painful duty to perform. 

I do honestly bcticvo iku* tkie •Government is fully adffJUatQ 

to all the purposes of self-preservation ; that unless heartless 
conducted, or ruthlessly abandoned, it is destined to dispense 
its benefits and blessings not only to the present generation, 
but to unborn millions who shall succeed, "and call us, bles- 
sed-" 

Fellow-Citizens, the surrender into your hands on this 
occasion, of the trust confided to me, is calculated to excite 
in my bosom the most interesting sensations. By legislative in* 
terposition over which we had no control, a dissolution, and 
perhaps forever, from a part of you, of the political ties by 
which we have been bound together, are broken asunder. — 
On separating from you my fellow-citizens of the counties of 
Sullivan and Hawkins, I would be wanting in gratitude, as 
well as sensibility, did I not acknowledge the many uncan- 
celled obligations, under which I am laid to your kindness, 
in common with others. 

Ten years ago I threw myself upon you, when young, inex- 
perienced, and almost a stranger; your charity overlooked my 
defects, and conferred upon me the high trust which is now 
about to expire; that same kindness has ever 6ince been ex- 
tended to me, through the vicissitudes of my eventful politi- 
cal life: as the best return which I have it in my power now 
to make for favors so signal, I can only assure you, that in 
whatever situation it may please Providence to place me, 
whether in public or private life, it shall be my pride to che- 
rish in my bosom, and carry with me, the most lively and 
unfading recollection of your multipled evidences of partial- 
ity for me. I would not do justice to my own feelings, did 
I not thus publicly declare, that in separating from you, I 
take with me no feeling of hostility, even toward those who 
personally have been opposed to me, much less for political 
differences, in which the spirit of our free institutions tole- 
rates indulgence. May it be your good fortune to be blessed 
in future *ith a representative, whose Uleuts integrity and 
republican priaciples, will enable him better to represent ymir 
national interests, and sustain the principles cf rational liber- 
ty, than I have had the ability to do. 



12 

To my friends and fellow-citizens of (he counties of Car* 
ter, Washington, Green, Jefferson and Cocke, I tender my 
services as a candidate to represent you in the 2od Congress 
of the United Slates. To you who reside in the three coun- 
ties first named, I can only say that you have known me from 
my infancy; you have kindly conferred upon me every pub- 
lic trust for which \ have been a candidate, and if again I 
should be thought worthy of your confidence, I would (as on 
all former occasions) devote whatever of talpntc I possess in 
sustaining the republican party, and upholding the principles 
of union and rational liberty. To my fellow-citizens of the 
counties of Cocke and Jefferson, to whom I am comparative- 
ly a stranger, I can say, should I be allowed the privilege of 
being your representative, whatever of zeal and fidelity I have 
on former occasions shewn to the interests of my immediate 
constituents, shall be extended to you, your interests and 
wishes. Indulging the hope, that, in the disposal of your 
votes, you my fellow-citizens of the District, will esteem the 
personal wishes and interests of each of us who may be can- 
didate^ as a matter of small importance, when contrasted 
with the paramount interests of your country. I conclude by 
remarking that, whatever may be your decision, I shall sub- 
mit with cheerfulness, contenting myself to remain as a pri- 
vate citizen amongst yoa, if you shall determine that your in- 
terests can be more safely trusted to another. 

I am, Fellow-Citizens, with sentiments of esttemtnd con- 
sideration, your obedient servant, 

JOHN BLAIR. 

Waskin§ton Cit$, Feb. 27, 1835. 

. . . . . ' - 

REMARKS 

MR BLAIR, OF TENNESSEE, 

On the motion to re-consider the vote increasing the duty on 

crude mineral salt. 



He said, that he had hoped that nothing would occur in the 
progress of this bill, which would have rendered it necessary 
for him to participate in the smallest degree, in the debate up- 
oi it. That he had believed he could better subserve the 
great interest* of the country and his constituents, by silently 
acting upon thia exciting subject; but from the fact that he 
had at the last session, and again on yesterday, voted against 
taking tSf the duty on that material, of which salt is so easily 
made, and now intended to change that vote, he felt it due to 
the House, briefly to assign the reasons for so doing. It will 



13 

be recollected that on both occasions, the duty had been fixed 
upon salt, previous to our being called upon to vote on this 
material of which salt is composed; that duty being laid, it 
did not appear to be just to draw so marked a distinction in 
favor of the consumers of salt, manufactured in Maine, over 
those who consume the salt imported in its perfect state. But 
said he, I am satisfied that salt is not one of the articles upon 

wrurh tiioro eKoiilfl ho LmfiosuuJ f» jjjMVprninont tav, (S3V(? only 

lor revenue purposes,) that the reduction of duties, even on 
this discription of salt will inure to the benefit of some por- 
tion of our fellow citizens who consume it: and as my object 
is, to gain a total exemption of that article from all duty: the 
relief of this discription of salt will be so much gained: and 
I will vote to re-consider,as well as to reduce the duty, umler 
this distinct annunciation to the House, that if no other mem- 
ber shall do so, I mean to move, so as to •mend the whole 
paragraph, as altogether to exempt salt from the payment of 
duty or tax. And, here said Mr B., I frel myself as the re- 
presentative of a people, more shamefully extorted upon by 
a salt monoply, than any other portion of this country, to pre- 
sent that grievance to the House, under the hope, that the 
American Congress will not longer afford its aid to their op- 
pression. To present, said Mr Blair, to this House 
the most signal instance of exorbitant exaction on the 
part of the manufactures of a. protected article that has oc- 
curred in this country; he would beg the indulgence of the 
House, whilst he read the account which had been given by 
two gentlemen: the one, interested in the salt works in west- 
ern Virginia, and the other, the then counsel in the legal 
controversies, relating to the salt works; the one was Captain 
Francis Smith, and the other, the lamented Charles Johnston, 
late a member of this House, and known to us all. Mr 
Smith in his statement addressed to the Secretary of State, 
of the United States, and which is now on the files of this 
House, remarks; "that in the country in which he lives, 
(Washington, Va.) is a tract of flat land, containing about 
500 acres, in various parts of which salt water has been dis- 
covered. One, only of these pits is now in operation, (the 
whole being monopolized by renting.) furnishing salt enough 
to supply the states of Tennessee, Alabama, and the south 
western parts of Virginia, tracts of country that look to that 
source for supply, making daily, 500 bushels of salt; and if 
all the water it can furnish was manufactured into salt, wculij 
in my opinion, make 10,000 bushels daily; but the market 
before 'mentioned, not requirng more than 500 bushels per 
diem, no more is made." Again, M of the quantity made at 
this single pit,now in operation, not more than eighty or ninetj* 



u 

thousand bushels are annually sold, owing no doubt to the 
price demanded for it; it now sells, and ha** for several years 
at one dollar for fifty pounds: it costs twenty-t^ve cents to 
make it, but may be made for less;" though by taking the 
water to the wood, the whole cost of manufacturing would 
not exceed twelve and a half cents a bushel. Mr Johnston 
in his statement to the Secretary of the State, says, •' there 
treat present only two saltwells in renair. and one, only of 
them in actual operation, being fully competent to afford a 
supply for the present demand. The salt works belong to two 
sets of proprietors, and by arrangements which have been 
made between them at different times, for the last five and 
twenty years, competition has been intirely avoided amongst 
them, during that time. This monopoly has yielded enormous 
profits to the manufacturer, after paying a rent from 830,000 
per annum, which has been the lowest sum, toS60,000, which 
has been the highest, for the two wells. At present, the cost 
©f making a bushel of salt, weighing 50 pounds, is estimated at 
16J cents; but I have no hesitation in saying the cost might be 
diminished to 6i cents, with proper management, if the quan- 
tity made was doubled. During the last year, 120,000 bushels 
were vended. 

What a commentary it this upon the protective system, so 
called here! — -an •stablishment for the manufacture of that in- 
dispensable article, salt; one which i« of universal consumption, 
and sustains both man and beast, id encouraged by the gov- 
ernment, and for what? to 9 ncourage the growth and prosper- 
ity of domestic manufactures, say the advocates of the sys- 
tem. At the period at which the reports were made to which 
I have had reference, 154,000 bushels of salt costing, accord- 
ing to Mr Johnston's statement, 16* cents the bushel, is sold 
at the works for $1 per bushel, and amounts to 8124,000. 
Substract the sum of $21,800 the whole cost of manufacturing 
that quantity st 17 tenta the bushel, and you give the enor- 
mous profit of 8102,200 per annum. And what is still more 
intolerable, this guardian government, fearful that the manu- 
facturer's interest will be neglected, gives a duty of i0, now 
By cents the bushels on foreign salt, amounting to more than 
810,000 a year to that establishment, to aid in carrying on 
this system of monopoly. It is true that locality has its in- 
fluence in favor of the establishment of which I have spoken. 
But who, that will look at the map of the country and fail to 
see that our principal reliance in countervailing this unfortu- 
nate state of things which there exists, is from the influx of 
other salt from Mobile aud New Orleans, being brought in 
competition with that. 

I«he Liverpool salt can now be obtained (as I am in- 



15 

formed) at New Orleans and Mobile for about S3 cents the 
measured bushel, very nearly equal to two of that which is 
made by evaporating the water by boiling: take off your duty, 
diminish still lower the price of the foreign article, and under 
tne improvements now in progress on our rivers, the price of 
the domestic article with us must fall, not to a reasonable pro- 
fit it is true, but to something making a nearer approximation 

to it. On this subject I may say, that I, in common with my 
constituents know, and teel tne impositions or this item of the 
protective system, and in their behalf call upon this house to 
withdraw the assisting hand of the government from their op- 
pressors. Mr B. said that he believed that this was a fair 
sample of the operations of this system, as regarded many 
other branches of manufactures, but he would not on any ac- 
count be tempted to go into the consideration of the general 
subject-=-he had, for a considerable portion of the time of this 
short session, (and frequently site in the night,) to hear this sub- 
ject debated over and over again, and was sorry to say to those 
gentlemen engaged in it, that, he had not sat with patience 
under their discussions. The condition of the country, said 
he, required action more than words, and for his part he in- 
tended to clear his skirts of the sin of wasting the precious 
time of this session, in debate which was worse than useless. 
That he would take his seat, after again repeating that when 
the question shall again come up, in reference to the duty on 
manufactured salt, that he would move to strike out the whole 
duty, 

Mr Reed, of Massachusetts, in reply, said, amongst other 
things, "that, the district from whence the gentleman from 
Tennessee came, was an iron district; his was amongst other 
things engaged in the manufacture of salt, that he intended 
to move to put iron and salt together and see how he (Mr 
Blair) would relish that." 

Mr Blair continued — It is true, Mr Speaker, that the Dis- 
trict from whence I came, abounds in the mineral of which 
iron is made, that facilities equal to those presented in any 
quarter of the union, are there presented to the manufacture 
of thatindispensible article. Indeed, said he, there are now 
in operation, very many establishments, all of which, I believe, 
are successfully carried on — and I may say, that iron is al- 
most the only article upon which the tariff beneficially ope- 
rates to the manufacturer, produced in that section of the 
country from whence I come. But, said he, I have been a 
member of this house, at the periods when this distracting 
question was under discussion, in 1824, 1828 and 1832, and 
when petitions and remonstrances were poured into this hall 
from various quarters of the union in reference to this subject, 



16 

and I can assure the gentlemen and this house, that in no in- 
stance have I ever been called upon to present a petition or 
memorial from my District. That people patriotically bore 
the high duties imposed for the war, and to defray the war 
debt, and if now necessary, would evince the like patriotism. 
That portion of my constituents, who are engaged in the manu- 
facture of iron, ask of this house no exclusive privileges. 

W nat tnOV 9slf I*J, tliof <-*i -c? .1 r>ll av t nn fr no xanunuo to ro fl I1 1 VliQ T 

the interest in which ii»ey have a deep stake, shall be placed 
upon equal footing with others of like importance. More 
than this they never have asked, le»sthey could not expect, 
nor indeed would, f suppose, the ge#tlema:i from Massachu- 
setts himself feel willing to grant. Sir, said Mr B» I feel 
disposed to allow eacli interest to rise or fall upon its own 
intrinsic merits, without any such unjust combination as that 
with which I have been threathened by the gentleman, (Mr 
Heed); and if a visitation injurious to the iron manufactures, 
(whose interests are now as *re!l provided for as others in the 
bill under consideration) is to be made, on account that I 
have dared to present the grievance of the whole body of my 
constituents in referenceto the .article of salt, I can say to 
that gentleman he may reconcile it to his conscience as an act 
of retaliation, but sure I am that that conscience must be per- 
verted that would regard it as an act of justice. I can also 
say that I shall not be moved from my purpose by the threats 
which have been made from that quarter. They do not come 
with a very good grace from the representative of a manufac- 
uring sta.te, when it is recollected that my constituents have 
Submitted, without a murmur, to the payment of enormous 
taxes for the manufactures of the north,on woollens and other 
goods, ranging from fifty to 120 per centum,and now because 
they will not a^ree to allow a salt monopoly to perpetuate its 
impositions upon them, and that, too, by the aid of the Go- 
vernment, when there is no necessity for the revenue to arise. 
They are threatened that the only manufacturing interest 
amongst them shall even be deprived of that encouragement 
which can justly be extended, under the imposition of di- 
minished duties, for revenue purposes. I forbear further to 
remark upon the gentleman's threat, and will conclude by 
setting him right upon another point. He says that his con- 
stituents, during the last year had gone into my District, and 
purchased a very large supply of iron, being the cheapest 
that they could obtain. I undertake to affirm that they did 
not come within three hundred miles of that place, to make 
the purchase of which he speaks. They probably may have 
made their put chases in Weat Tennessee. 

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